By Trevor G. Fenell, Henriki Gelson
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Extra resources for A Grammar of Modern Latvian (Slavistic Printings and Reprintings ; No. 304) Vol.2
For example, the idiom a lot (of ) is a DP, but almost always functions as an adjective or an adverb. The idiom the hell out of is not a traditionally recognized constituent. DM as I described here seems to have a problem with such structures since the syntax is built up before the words are inserted. In that case, there is no way for a complex idiomatic structure to be stored unless there was a mechanism in spellout that allowed one VI to discharge complex structure. Rather than take this route, DM recognizes that idioms may be simpler than originally assumed.
I have not had a chance to read a current version of that book, Distributed Morphology the roots manipulated by the syntax were specific to the particular concept they were linked to (such as √dog). 7 Since cat and dog were both specified for √, they could not compete with each other (they have identical specification). Thus, root VIs could not participate in competition. Since the addition of Pfau’s specific roots, the groundwork has been laid for the competition of root VIs – each VI is linked to a different root.
One such form in English is person/people (cf. plO’ in Yaqui;1 in Hopi, tiyo ‘boy’ (sg)’ ~ tootim ‘boy’ (pl) and wùuti ‘woman (sg)’ ~ momoyam ‘woman (pl)’2). Thus, Marantz’s claim that suppletion is only for functional morphemes, while ideal for addressing the learnability problem, is falsified by the data. Therefore, while the model of the grammar I propose here essentially removes Marantz’s solution to that problem without proposing a new one, Marantz’s solution already ran into the problem that there is in fact suppletion of content morphemes.
A Grammar of Modern Latvian (Slavistic Printings and Reprintings ; No. 304) Vol.2 by Trevor G. Fenell, Henriki Gelson