Download PDF by Elly van Gelderen: A history of English reflexive pronouns : person, self, and

By Elly van Gelderen

ISBN-10: 1556199880

ISBN-13: 9781556199882

ISBN-10: 9027227608

ISBN-13: 9789027227607

ISBN-10: 902729917X

ISBN-13: 9789027299178

This e-book brings jointly a couple of likely unique phenomena within the heritage of English: the advent of particular reflexive pronouns (e.g. myself), the lack of verbal contract and pro-drop, and the disappearance of morphological Case. It offers significant numbers of examples from previous and heart English texts displaying someone cut up among first, moment, and 3rd individual pronouns. Extending an research by Read more...

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Additional info for A history of English reflexive pronouns : person, self, and interpretability

Example text

E. ‘himself’, can function reflexively since it has no features of its own (like Yiddish zikh). Chapters 3 to 6 provide support for the claims in Chapters 1 and 2. In Chapter 3, I argue that the underspecification of certain person features can also be seen in the lack of pro-drop with those persons: less pro-drop with first and second than with third. This means the verbal agreement features 26 INTRODUCTION cease to license an empty subject, another step toward an analytic language. In Chapter 4, the underspecification is examined with respect to agreement on the verb: again less agreement with first and second than with third person.

Some of these are different in that an extra pronoun is used, as in (82), which is probably an ethical dative. There are also many instances, which I will not list here, where ‘self’ functions as an adjective. ’ Cases of ‘self’ modifying first and second person reflexives also occur. They are listed as (87) to (92). ’ 8. Both Krapp & Dobbie (1936) and Mackie (1934) mention that mec occurs in the manuscript. They have ‘corrected’ it to me in the edition. ’ In conclusion, the possibly reflexive use of ‘self’ in Junius and Exeter differs in that in the latter manuscript ‘self’ can reinforce a reflexive pronoun in direct object as well as in prepositional object position.

The person split could be accounted for in structural terms as well, assuming that first and second person pronouns check their features in different FCs, as in Rice & Saxon (1995) and Ritter (1995). For instance, one might argue that first and second person pronouns are checked as in (34) but that third person ones, as in (35), need not be. I will not entertain these structures for Old and Middle English because (a) there is no person split in Old or Modern English, and (b) there is no structural evidence for such FCs in Middle English (cf.

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A history of English reflexive pronouns : person, self, and interpretability by Elly van Gelderen

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